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By Alex de Waal

For higher or for worse, many high-profile celebrities and firms became vocal advocates for factors in Africa, Asia, and Latin the United States. Advocacy in Conflict explores the results of those pop culture advocacy suggestions, which frequently compromise the integrity of the reason in pursuit of prominence and influence.
interpreting the influence of western mass tradition advocates, Advocacy in Conflict evaluates the successes and screw ups of advocacy campaigns and gives positive feedback of ongoing efforts. Alex de Waal makes use of high-profile case reports, akin to campaigns regarding democracy, human trafficking, incapacity rights, and land rights to problem the assumptions and agendas that advocacy organisations perpetuate.

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Extra info for Advocacy in Conflict: Critical Perspectives on Transnational Activism

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The decade also saw the emergence of a new consensus on international development and poverty reduction, leading to two parallel approaches, namely a rights-based approach to development, and the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by the UN in 2000. As both Southern and international advocacy organizations embraced ESC rights, they identified a range of new targets of pressure including transnational corporations and multilateral organizations. A second key issue that defined international human rights organizations during the 1990s was humanitarian intervention in response to mass atrocity.

For several decades until recently, Burma was one of two anomalies in East and South-East Asia (the other is North Korea), where societies were moving towards better governance, increased prosperity and more societal and cultural openness. Following Burma’s opening to the West, signified by the November 2010 release from house arrest of Suu Kyi, the unbanning of the National League for Democracy (NLD), and the party’s subsequent participation in elections, Burma at long last appeared to be moving in the right direction.

This network extends into government. Here we can observe the feedback loop between the former social movement activist who has become a broker between policy-makers in government, and his or her erstwhile comrades who are still active in a social movement. Sabine Lang (2013: 8) describes how, as more venues for institutional advocacy open up, it ‘might lead to NGOs becoming experts in institutional advocacy and lobbying at the expense of generating broader public debates’, and how, in turn, governments utilize NGOs as ‘proxy publics’, substitutes for broader consultation that are ‘just one phone call away’.

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