By Richard K. Betts
Edited through some of the most popular students within the box, Richard Betts' Conflict After the chilly War assembles vintage and modern readings on enduring difficulties of overseas safeguard.
Offering extensive historic and philosophical breadth, the rigorously selected and excerpted choices during this well known reader support scholars interact key debates over the way forward for struggle and the hot kinds that violent clash will take. Conflict After the chilly War encourages nearer scrutiny of the political, financial, social, and army elements that force struggle and peace.
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Additional resources for Conflict After the Cold War: Arguments on Causes of War and Peace
From their writings and from my own personal contacts with them, there is no question in my mind that the liberal Soviet intelligentsia rallying around Gorbachev has arrived at the end-of-history view in a remarkably short time, due in no small measure to the contacts they have had since the Brezhnev era with the larger European civilization around them. “New political thinking,” the general rubric for their views, describes a world dominated by economic concerns, in which there are no ideological grounds for major conflict between nations, and in which, consequently, the use of military force becomes less legitimate.
But the doctrine has little appeal for non-Muslims, and it is hard to believe that the movement will take on any universal significance. Other less organized religious impulses have been successfully satisfied within the sphere of personal life that is permitted in liberal societies. The other major “contradiction” potentially unresolvable by liberalism is the one posed by nationalism and other forms of racial and ethnic consciousness. It is certainly true that a very large degree of conflict since the Battle of Jena has had its roots in nationalism.
For the world at that point would be divided between a part that was historical and a part that was post-historical. Conflict between states still in history, and between those states and those at the end of history, would still be possible. There would still be a high and perhaps rising level of ethnic and nationalist violence, since those are impulses incompletely played out, even in parts of the post-historical world. Palestinians and Kurds, Sikhs and Tamils, Irish Catholics and Walloons, Armenians and Azeris, will continue to have their unresolved grievances.