By C. Chatwin
Exploring the unlawful drug factor in overseas context, this book looks at why harmonization has no longer already taken position on the ecu point. It considers the desirability and viability of harmonization, examines the clash among repressive and liberal drug guidelines and applies a multi-level governance lens to the difficulty.
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Extra resources for Drug Policy Harmonization and the European Union
When the Stewart-Clark commission presented its report to the EP, there was little choice but to judge the findings inconclusive. The considerable split in opinion on how to tackle the problem of illicit drugs was then neatly sidestepped by the EP as they refrained from upholding the opinion of either side, instead implementing recommendations endorsed by both sides such as the establishment of research centres and the improvement of national and international coordination. It was not 32 Harmonization, Drug Policy and the European Union until 1991 that the Parliament authorized another investigation into the nature of the drug problem and the relative suitability of either liberal or repressive strategies in dealing with it.
However, this willingness to accede national sovereignty to the development of a supranational power did not extend to other areas. The benefits of integrated political and social policies were much more negligible at a governmental level and required a much heavier commitment to the development of power at a supranational level and at the expense of national sovereignty. The development of political integration at a European level has most commonly been associated with the creation of a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP).
In theory, the idea of an integrated Europe, preventing recourse to disagreement and possible war, was attractive to member states. The proposal of united coal and steel industries, and later of a single European market eventually leading to the adoption of a single European currency, represented benefits in terms of national economies and trading power. Some loss of national sovereignty was considered a small price to pay by most governments. However, this willingness to accede national sovereignty to the development of a supranational power did not extend to other areas.